In Asia and the Pacific, however, our treaties do not accurately reflect our current intentions. President Nixon intends to defend our allies in the region only against armed attacks by a nuclear power; but the Treaties give the impression that we will also defend them against others. Even if our government deems it advisable to revoke or revise our other treaties of alliance, they should at least be revoked or revised to remove any reference to our actions or the use of our armed forces if we do not want to be politically burdened with responsibilities that we do not want to assume. A Senate resolution could adequately express the current intention — not an obligation — to strike violence by force if a nuclear power attacked one of our allies in Asia or the Pacific. The U.S. Constitution provides that the President „has the power to enter into treaties by and with the counsel and consent of the Senate, provided that two-thirds of the senators present agree“ (Article II, Section 2). Treaties are binding agreements between nations and are part of international law. The treaties in which the United States is involved also have the power of federal legislation, which is part of what the Constitution calls „the supreme law of the land.“ The free trade policy was not so popular with the general public. Among the main problems are unfair competition from countries where lower labour costs allow for price reductions and the loss of well-paying jobs to manufacturers abroad. To some extent, if we think so, we are victims of semantic confusion. Government officials will often say that troops have been sent abroad „under“ or „in accordance“ with a particular treaty, without adding what they should, but that sending troops is not required by the treaty in question. There are three main types of foreign economic aid: humanitarian aid, development aid and food aid. Humanitarian or emergency aid is rapid assistance to people who need it immediately to alleviate suffering during and after man-made emergencies (such as wars) and natural disasters.
Development assistance is the aid provided by developed countries to support development in general. It differs from humanitarian assistance in that it aims to reduce poverty in the long term rather than to alleviate short-term suffering. Food aid can benefit people suffering from food shortages. It can be used to raise the standard of living to such an extent that food aid is no longer needed. Conversely, poorly managed food aid can cause problems by disrupting local markets, lowering crop prices and discouraging food production. Again, we can assert (as Sir Edward Grey did with France in 1914) that an ally made military arrangements based on our alleged commitment to go to war; Letting such an ally defend himself condemns him to defeat. Like Sir Edward, we do not want foreign ambassadors „to wait to know whether the word `honour` should be removed from the English dictionary“. As with the obvious commitments, it is difficult to assess the extent of our de facto commitments. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has not been able to assess the depth of the military entanglements described to it by the State Department in 1967: „…
U.S. military installations in about 30 foreign countries have added an unknown number of nations to the list of those the U.S. might feel compelled to defend. On the one hand, neither the Senate nor the Speaker was willing to commit us in advance to going to war in future circumstances, under conditions that we cannot know now. On the other hand, when the SEATO Treaty was approved in 1955, the chairman of the Then Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator George of Georgia, stated that he was „inspired by the belief that a potential aggressor can be deterred from reckless behavior by a clear statement of our intentions.“ The day is in my time and in yours when we will be able to say what laws other nations treat us at sea. And we will say so. In the meantime, we want to allow every contract we have to fail without renewal. We call our diplomatic missions and hardly keep them among the most important nations.  Washington`s doctrine of unstable alliances, sometimes called the warning of entangled alliances, was an early realistic guide to American foreign policy and the nation`s interaction with others. According to this policy, the United States should regard external alliances as temporary convenience measures and freely renounce them if the national interest so requires. This policy has been cited as a rare example of explicit endorsement of what is known in international relations as the reversal of alliances, a state that abandons an ally for an alliance with a recent enemy, sometimes against the first ally. U.S.
foreign policy has changed dramatically since the days of George Washington. While Americans always listen to the advice of their revered founder, the world is not the same, of course. The many people who shape American foreign policy today accept the fact that the United States is a member of a global community that cannot afford to ignore the importance of unity. Washington was advised by Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton, who warned the president that „we forget how much we can annoy the little“ and came to believe that the United States could not further upset the Kingdom of Britain, fearing the possibility of British-imposed trade isolation that would trigger an economic catastrophe that would „overturn the Constitution and turn anti-national forces into a majority.“ overwhelming.“ would bring.“  At the same time, radical government elements, led by Thomas Jefferson, had practically declared their support for American aid to the besieged French First Republic, which was at war with Britain. Jefferson thought that Hamilton, who was pro-British, „was in a panic if we refused to break with every kick Britain could give him.“  The External Action Service is composed of ambassadors and other official representatives in more than 160 countries. Ambassadors and their staff establish embassies in countries recognized by the United States and serve as a U.S. presence abroad. Embassies are part of the State Department, and they protect Americans abroad and are responsible for harmonious relations with other countries. The United States` human rights record is mixed. The US has supported unpopular leaders (e.g., the Shah of Iran, 1941-1979), engaged in losing battles (think vietnam war, 1950-1975), ignored ethnic cleansing (as was the case in Rwanda in 1994), and provided foreign aid to corrupt regimes (as was the case with Egypt in 1952-2011). Too often, the United States has had to support the lesser of two evils when it comes to relations with developing countries.
And too often, the flip side of these unpleasant relationships has led to resentment from both U.S. citizens and oppressed citizens of developing countries (Guatemala, 1950s and Nicaragua, 1912-1933). However, the United States remains the largest donor of foreign aid and currently supports what some call the awakening of the Arab world (Libya, 2011), and supports „the people,“ although the outcome is not yet clear. To prepare for these foreign policy issues, U.S. military spending is enormous. The annual defense budget is about $1.3 trillion. It has formal or informal agreements to defend 37 countries. It has more than 700 military installations abroad in about 130 countries. The United States is extraordinarily active, often militarily, in international affairs. Since 1989, it has worked in Panama, Kuwait, Somalia, Bosnia, Haiti, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. This policy is exactly the opposite of the policy proclaimed by President Nixon.
In practice, the communist invasions we did not oppose were those of Russia and China; we have intervened only against their satellites, that is, only against communist nations that do not pose a material threat to our security and whose defeat would not significantly improve our position in the world. The rise of Napoleon Bonaparte in France toned down the „revolutionary romanticism“ of Jefferson and his Democratic-Republican Party, which won the 1800 election.  Jefferson regarded the war between France and Britain as a battle between the „tyrant of the country“ and the „tyrant of the ocean“ and regarded the military objective of the two as the moral equivalent of the other.  (The president was denounced by William Cullen Bryant, 14, who called him a „slave of Napoleon“ and a „voluntary vassal of authoritarian France.“ ) Jefferson`s changing view of international affairs led him to observe that the United States should withdraw from advocacy in European affairs, for which he had been a lukewarm advocate, and pursue a more modest and less committed path. He believed that the commercial power of the United States would allow it to follow an independent path that is not limited by conventional diplomacy, and he wrote to a protégé: It cannot be said that permanent provisions are de rigueur. .